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to give light to those who sit in darkness and in the shadow of death, to guide our feet into the way of peace. Luke 1: 78-79 |
On Brethren Responses to War and Aggressive Patriotism
by Carl Bowman
The headlines this morning troubled me. "Bush Vows Crusade." "U.S. Will Rid the World of Evildoers." "Bush Warns of a Wrathful, Shadowy, and Inventive War." The font was large and black, very black. On my way to work at Bridgewater College, National Public Radio reported America's eagerness for military action. Flags waved on Dinkel Avenue as I entered the small but growing town where cows have been giving ground to buildings for the last couple of decades. The words, "God," "America," and "War" filled public discourse, wrapping themselves around one another, multiplying, and drowning out other words that might brave the cacophony. Amid the chatter, the flexing of muscles, and the reports of college males wanting to sign up to "get some towel-heads," I experience once again how my Brethren pacifist upbringing sets me apart.
On patriotism: While neighbors rally around the flag, my favorite profile of patriotism has always been that of 19th-century Brethren martyr John Kline, who claimed to have a higher conception of patriotism than the one expressed by guns. The highest conception of patriotism, Kline said, is found in one "who loves the Lord his God with all his heart and his neighbor as himself." This kind of love, to be sure, radiates outward until it encompasses family, community, and country. But as Kline observed, it continues to expand until it finally "takes in the whole human family." Ironically, Kline concluded, were this kind of love, or patriotism, to become universal, "the word patriotism, in its specific sense, meaning such a love for one's country as makes its possessors ready and willing to take up arms in its defense, might be appropriately expunged from every national vocabulary."
Last week's bombings in New York and Washington opened the release valve on American patriotism that has been jammed closed, with only occasional ventings, since the Vietnam War. A complex mixture of "patriotic" sentiments, not all of them good, have been vented and are floating about. I wonder which way they will blow.
On war: Our leaders proclaim and our headlines confirm that we are at war. Even though few openly celebrate it, many are excited at the prospectexcited that America finally has the chance to show what happens when "the sleeping giant is awakened." Even our churches speak of the need for justice to be done, for those responsible to be held accountable, for people to "pay" for the damage that has been done to our lives, our economy, and our national psyche. This is completely understandable. Thousands of people paid the senseless price of their lives to fulfill the aspirations of strangers projected upon high as a part of a sacred crusade. Thousands will continue to pay a huge price in tears, disruption, fear, insecurity, economic hardship, and the unfillable void of loss.
So, when we as a nation move beyond our mourning, the most immediate response is, "let's get 'em." Even when "them" is hard to identify, there is solidarity in targeting a common enemy and security in mobilizing to defeat itat least for most Americans. But the clearer the enemy becomes, the more anxious and alone I feel. Haunted as I am by the ghost of Brethren Sunday schools past, my faith whispers secretly (so that no one will hear) that "all war is sin""Christians should neither participate in war, learn the art of war, or support war," even if it means that by refraining, they bring violence upon themselves. It is hard to carry such inherited truths through a time like this. It was much easier during Vietnam, when it was clear, and many Americans understood, that there was good and bad on both sides of the conflict.
On my campus, student murmuring about "towel-heads" reminds me of the indignation I saw in 1982, during my first year on the Bridgewater College faculty. A new Selective Service law had recently been implemented, requiring all 18-year-olds to register (even though no one had been called up since the early '70s). When Enten Eller, a Bridgewater student, refused to register, he made national headlines for being the first American prosecuted for failure to comply with the new law. Even though the college is historically affiliated with the Brethren, some in its administration worried that Enten's stand would mean bad publicity for the college. Non-Brethren students were outraged that one of their peers had violated unquestioned assumptions about what constituted patriotism. As a fellow member of Enten's church, I was proud of his dissent, yet I could sympathize with those who wanted a more sophisticated, politically grounded rationale for the stand. Enten would say only that God had instructed him not to register. Even many who opposed universal registration for 18-year-olds wrote his motives off as simplistic. God wasn't good enough, especially when it countered their own certainties about God.
Well, to my credit or detriment (I'm not sure), I don't have Enten's certainty. The answers aren't as easy for me in the wake of our recent tragedy as they were for him in 1982. The main thing I know is that when others are wearing red, white, and blue, I want to wear black. Black to mourn an Islamic extremism so sure of its own truth and the evil it confronts that it can rip apart bodies and relationships in the name of God. Black to mourn expressions and distortions of American patriotism that might do the same, in the name of ridding the world of evildoers. Black to mourn with the wives and children and parents of those who died in the Twin Towers, in the Pentagon, and in Pennsylvania. Black to mourn for American Muslims who will endure increased violence and fears of violence at the hands of well-meaning but misguided super-patriots. And black to mourn for those whose skin color will easily be misread as Middle Eastern, making them targets of hatred. Blame it upon my religious heritage, but when I hear God bless America repeated over and over, almost as a mantra, rather than warming my heart, it sends a chill up my spine, heightening the insecurity that I feel following the alarming events in New York and Washington.
Copyright © 2001by Carl Bowman. Bowman is professor and chair of the department of sociology at Bridgewater (Va.) College. This article was published Sept. 26 in the Harrisonburg (Va.) Daily News-Record.
A Response to the National Calamity
by Craig Alan Myers
The events of Sept. 11 were shocking. Four airplanes, captured by hijackers, turned into cruise missiles with passengers. Three planes found their mark with office buildings in New York and Virginia, while another apparently was brought down in Pennsylvania through the quick action of the passengers. Feelings of shock, fear, and worry have flooded people across the country. Those feelings are a normal part of witnessing such an atrocity. We Brethren are also wrestling with our feelings and thoughts, too. We desire to have justice, and yet also try to seek peace. What should nonresistant believers think, and do?
I appreciate what the Brethren Annual Meeting of 1864 counseled in response to a query related to nonresistance and the War Between the States, and I think it, with appropriate changes, would make an excellent statement for us today:
"We exhort the Brethren to steadfastness in the faith, and believe that the times in which our lots are cast strongly demand of us a strict adherence to all our principles, and especially the nonresistant principle. . . . and to endure whatever sufferings and make whatever sacrifice the maintaining of the principle may require, and not to encourage in any way the practice of war.
"And lest the position we have taken on political matters in general, and war matters in particular, should seem to make us appear to be indifferent to our government, or in opposition thereto, in its efforts to suppress the rebellion, we hereby declare that it has our sympathies and prayers, and that it shall have our aid in any way which does not conflict with the principles of the Gospel of Christ."
Therefore, what we should do, would be the following:
Copyright © 2001 by Craig Alan Myers. Myers is chairman of the Brethren Revival Fellowship steering committee, assistant editor of the BRF Witness, and pastor of Blue River Church of the Brethren, Columbia City, Ind.
Does God Really Bless America?
by Donald B. Kraybill
In the aftermath of the terrible events of Sept. 11, God has suddenly become popular. In every city, village, and hamlet across the land, bumper stickers, marquee signs, and banners proclaim "God Bless America." At sporting events, political gatherings, worship services, and civic meetings everyone is singing "God Bless America," our new national anthem. How does God Bless America? What do we mean by this phrase that has united the lips and hearts of so many Americans?
Many layers of meaning pack this pithy phrase. For some it is a prayer of affirmation that welcomes God's smile upon the land of the free and the brave. For others the blessing is a recognition that God endorses and supports our military ventures. The phrase can also be a plea for divine blessingplease, Lord God, give us a divine okay. From campfire circles to civic parades, the words may also be an invitation for spiritual guidancepleading for God to help us find our ways in these dark days. Or perhaps we are thinking of protection, imploring God to protect us from future terrorist attacks. And I suspect that for many of us, especially in recent days, it is a cry to aid the suffering, beseeching God to comfort those pained by injury, loss, or ethnic profiling. Regardless of its meaning, the phrase has evoked some of our deepest emotions that blend God and country together.
In some ways the words "God Bless America" are packed with meaning. To receive God's blessing is the ultimate congratulationfilled with divine sanction and solidarity. We surely cannot find a higher, better blessing. But in other ways it is an empty slogan that we fill with any meaning. What do we mean by bless? Do we mean the people? The government? Are we asking for warm heavenly fuzzies or truly seeking divine guidance? The bland meaning easily invites distortion. It can, in fact, become idolatrous if we use the phrase to justify anything our nation does. When that happens, "God" shrinks to a socially constructed puppet that merely reflects our human fears and feelings.
A tribal god smiles favorably on everything its nation does. When god becomes a national mascot, god cheers military action in the name of justice or anything else that is politically expedient at the moment. And while it may feel good and reassuring to us to believe that we are God's pet nation, other countries have their own tribal gods cheering them on as well. Thus a multitude of wars turn into "holy" conflicts with tribal gods applauding on both sides of the trenches. Peoples and nations alike hunger for divine approval and blessing and those inclinations easily lead to national idolatry in the name of god.
In these times when public piety is surging, Christians must be careful to distinguish between the god of American civil religion and the God revealed in Jesus of Nazareth. The God of the New Testament Jesus sends the rain on the just and the unjust. This God urges us to love our enemies, to bless those who curse us, to render to no one evil for evil, and to leave vengeance to divine hands. This God teaches us to forgive 70 x 7 and even on the cross, in the midst of torture at the hands of terrorists, said, "Father, forgive them for they know not what they do."
The God of the Christian faith "so loved the entire world" that he sought to redeem it. For this God there is no east and west, no political borders, no pet nations. The Kingdom of this God is a global family that transcends national boundaries. This is the God who blesses the poor in spirit, the outcasts, the stigmatized, the impoverished, and those who suffer. This is the God who walks in the valley of the shadow of death with all who are traumatized with fear. Is this the God we worship when we sing God Bless America, or is it a tribal god, the golden calf of American nationalism?
Copyright © 2001 by Donald B. Kraybill. Kraybill lives in Elizabethtown, Pa., and is the author of Our Star Spangled Faith and many other books.
Repent, for the kingdom of heaven is at hand
by Dale W. Brown
While we were basking in a beautiful camp setting the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, cell phones cast sobering messages to pastors of the Northern Plains on retreat. We had gathered to comprehend how we might live our heritage of love. As guest leader I quickly sensed that our group desired to respond to the unbelievably horrid news by joining millions of Americans in prayer. Petitions of both liberal and conservative Church of the Brethren leaders echoed the words of Jesus in the sermon on the mount. All prayed for victims. All prayed that our nation would avoid vengeful retaliation and respond in loving, nonviolent ways. Later when viewing faces of our presidents at the sacred memorial service in the National Cathedral, I was encouraged by a member of the clergy who eloquently concluded: "As we act, let us not become the evil that we deplore." Her statement nurtured the courage of Barbara Lee, the only congressperson to vote "no" on the declaration of war.
Since then, I have reluctantly realized how much our peace church heritage is out of step with our culture. Walter Wink is more right than I wanted to believe in documenting the religion of America as one of redemptive violence. On this issue, we in the peace churches are the conservatives, for we aspire to take Jesus seriously. His words tell us that if we love him, we will keep his commandments. And he commands us to relinquish eye-for-an-eye strategies, to love our enemies, and pray for those who persecute us (see Matt. 5:38-48).
Following accounts of the baptism and temptation of Jesus, his first recorded proclamation was to "Repent, for the kingdom of heaven has come near" (Matt. 4:17). As director of peace studies in a seminary I confess how often I remained silent when I was aware that thousands of people suffered from the bombardments of our planes. I remember how I offered fervent prayers for the people of Panama when our bombs killed some 4,000 innocent people. But I failed to publicly support Hispanic brothers and sisters who were outraged that such atrocities were justified by our nation's desire to capture a renegade leader and stop the flow of drugs. They knew that drugs would continue to flow through Panama and Central America. In my visits overseas, others have exclaimed: "We really like Americans, but we do not like the policies of your government."
I envisioned that Americans might come to identify with millions of people who have suffered and died from our 22 bombings of other countries since World War II. I visualized Sept. 11 as the day Americans were awakened to oppose the bombing of innocent people. I felt our painful experience of beholding and experiencing terror from the skies might lead to understanding how other people have felt. I had perhaps too much faith and hope in the influence and general acceptance of the golden rule.
Repentance of our deeds would not justify the horrific deeds of terrorists. For us, repentance means that we refuse to imitate their evil deeds. What is appalling about terrorism is the killing of innocent people. And calling for repentance as prophets of old did does not mean that we are not patriotic. My deep love for my country is similar to my love for my children. It is because I love my country that I do not want it to imitate and breed the terrorist activity we abhor.
Yet, it is unusual to discover signs of penitence or regret in our belligerent atmosphere. Jesus told a parable about two men who went to the temple to pray. The one a religious leader, a Pharisee, prayed, "God, I thank you that I am not like other people: Thieves, rogues, adulterers, and even this tax collector." Jesus preferred the spirit of the tax collector, who in beating his breast prayed, "God be merciful to me a sinner" (Luke 18:9-14). This parable does not support the declaration that America is the best nation and others who are evil can be eliminated with violence. Biblical teachings proclaim that all people and nations have sinned and fall short of the glory of God (Rom. 3:23).
If our nation could repent of sins, or even name some policies as mistakes, there could emerge increased faith in the Jesus Way and hope that the kingdom is at hand. A different kind of war requires new ways of thinking. Active good will, as demonstrated in the past, coupled with international accountability, must be deployed as a force more powerful and more effective than missiles. Alongside brutality in our enslavement of Africans and seizing lands from the Indians, America has provided the home for large nonviolent, charitable, compassionate movements.
The good news of a penitent and more humble people before God could allow our nation to focus on the causes of terrorism. Such is necessary in efforts to eliminate this evil. We could discover a root of terrorism when American forces joined Israel in the invasion of Lebanon. Over 17,000 civilians were killed. The purpose of the invasion was to secure a friendly neighboring state free of enemies. Instead, the bombings inflated the number of Lebanese who hated Israel. America's participation was paid back when terrorists seized our citizens and jailed them as hostages. Likewise they placed explosive bombs on international flights. Justice might flow like a mighty stream when we are honest about what we have done and when we prioritize the elimination of the seedbed of terrorism, which is fed by hatred, poverty, and hopelessness.
Good news could come by implementing the advice of General and President Eisenhower, who was raised by a pacifist mother from the Brethren in Christ Church. In his farewell address, he warned against the military industrial complex, stating that every bomb made constituted robbery from the poor. Throughout his presidency he advocated that our government establish an academy of peace equal to academies of the armed forces. With sufficient funds this department would not only study the causes of terrorism but train diplomats to become experts in the skills of negotiation and peacemaking.
The good news would promote what we learned in Sunday school, namely that our security will be enhanced when we make friends, not more enemies. Lasting protection cannot be gained by bombing rogue nations. Our destiny requires thoughtful steps toward mutually beneficial relationships not only for ourselves but for all of God's children. The apostle Paul advises us "not to be overcome by evil, but to overcome evil with good" (Rom. 12:21).
Proposals defined as consistent with the Jesus Way often seem naive and too idealistic. Many members in the peace churches, and other friends, accept or respect the pacifist position when limited to personal relationships. Yet, they do not believe the Jesus Way can realistically be applied to national policies. This may be partially true. However, in a world in which two young men can make and deploy a bomb that destroys a large federal building, a world in which those who hate us can employ varieties of massive weapons of violence, a world in which experts emphasize our vulnerability to such acts, it increasingly seems believable that the responses of Jesus, Gandhi, and Martin Luther King, Jr., are relevant to the present confusing crisis. Christian voices should join others in rejecting terrorist-like actions and America's widespread faith in redemptive violence. Let us join with people of good will in proclaiming and participating in kingdom signs of redemptive love.
Copyright © 2001 by Dale W. Brown. Currently living in Elizabethtown, Pa., Dale W. Brown is an author and professor emeritus of theology from Bethany Theological Seminary. Among his books are Biblical Pacifism and Understanding Pietism.
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